Prior to 1975, union efforts to organize public-sectorclerical workers, most of whom are women, were some-what limited. The factors favoring unionization drivesseem to have been either the presence of large numbers(5) of workers, as in New York City, to make it worth theeffort, or the concentration of small numbers in one ortwo locations, such as a hospital, to make it relativelyeasy, Receptivity to unionization on the workers, partwas also a consideration, but when there were large(10) numbers involved or the clerical workers were the onlyunorganized group in a jurisdiction, the multioccupa-tional unions would often try to organize them regard-less of the workers’ initial receptivity. The strategicreasoning was based, first, on the concern that politi-(15) cians and administrators might play off unionizedagainst nonunionized workers, and, second, on theconviction that a fully unionized public work forcemeant power, both at the bargaining table and in thelegislature. In localities where clerical workers were few(20) in number, were scattered in several workplaces, andexpressed no interest in being organized, unions moreoften than not ignored them in the pre-1975 period.But since the mid-1970’s, a different strategy hasemerged. In 1977, 34 percent of government clerical(25) workers were represented by a labor organization,compared with 46 percent of government professionals,44 percent of government blue-collar workers, and41 percent of government service workers, Since then,however, the biggest increases in public-sector unioniza-(30) tion have been among clerical workers. Between 1977and 1980, the number of unionized government workersin blue-collar and service occupations increased onlyabout 1.5 percent, while in the white-collar occupationsthe increase was 20 percent and among clerical workers(35) in particular, the increase was 22 percent.What accounts for this upsurge in unionizationamong clerical workers? First, more women have enteredthe work force in the past few years, and more of themplan to remain working until retirement age. Conse-(40) quently, they are probably more concerned than theirpredecessors were about job security and economic bene-fits. Also, the women’s movement has succeeded in legit-imizing the economic and political activism of women ontheir own behalf, thereby producing a more positive atti-(45) tude toward unions. The absence of any comparableincrease in unionization among private-sector clericalworkers, however, identifies the primary catalyst-thestructural change in the multioccupational public-sectorunions themselves. Over the past twenty years, the occu-(50) pational distribution in these unions has been steadilyshifting from predominantly blue-collar to predomi-nantly white-collar. Because there are far more womenin white-collar jobs, an increase in the proportion offemale members has accompanied the occupational shift(55) and has altered union policy-making in favor of orga-nizing women and addressing women’s issues.According to the passage, the public-sector workers who were most likely to belong to unions in 1977 were______A．professionalsB．managersC．clerical workersD．service workersE．blue-collar workers
A.ButB.5C.WhatD.AccordingE.professionalsB．managersC．clericalF.serviceG.blue-collar
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