"With two friends I started a journey to Greece, the most horrendous of all journeys. It had all the details of a nightmare: barefoot walking in rough roads, risking death in the dark, police dogs hunting us, drinking water from the rain pools in the road and a rude awakening at gunpoint from the police under a bridge. My parents were terrified and decided that it would be better to pay someone to hide me in the back of a car. " This 16-year-old Albanian high-school drop-out, desperate to leave his impoverished country for the nirvana of clearing tables in an Athens restaurant, might equally well have been a Mexican heading for Texas or an Algerian youngster sneaking into France. He had the misfortune to be born on the wrong side of a line that now divides the world: the line between those whose passports allow them to move and settle reasonably freely across the richer world’s borders, and those who can do so only hidden in the back of a truck, and with forged papers. Tearing down that divide would be one of the fastest ways to boost global economic growth. The gap between labour’s rewards in the poor world and the rich, even for something as menial as clearing tables, dwarfs the gap between the prices of traded goods from different parts of the world. The potential gains from liberalizing migration therefore dwarf those from removing barriers to world trade. But those gains can be made only at great political cost. Countries rarely welcome strangers into their midst. Everywhere, international migration has shot up the list of political concerns. The horror of September 11th has toughened America’s approach to immigrants, especially students from Muslim countries, and blocked the agreement being negotiated with Mexico. In Europe, the far right has flourished in elections in Austria, Denmark and the Netherlands. Although many more immigrants arrive legally than hidden in trucks or boats, voters fret that governments have lost control of who enters their country. The result has been a string of measures to try to tighten and enforce immigration rules. But however much governments clamp down, both immigration and immigrants are here to stay. Powerful economic forces are at work. It is impossible to separate the globalisation of trade and capital from the global movement of people. Borders will leak; companies will want to be able to move staff; and liberal democracies will balk at introducing the draconian measures required to make controls truly watertight. If the European Union admits ten new members, it will eventually need to accept not just their goods but their workers too. Technology also aids migration. The fall in transport costs has made it cheaper to risk a trip, and cheap international telephone calls allow Bulgarians in Spain to tip off their cousins back home that there are fruit-picking jobs available. The United States shares a long border with a developing country; Europe is a bus-ride from the former Soviet block and a boat-ride across the Mediterranean from the world’s poorest continent. The rich economies create millions of jobs that the underemployed young in the poor world willingly fill. So demand and supply will constantly conspire to undermine even the most determined restrictions on immigration.
"With two friends I started a journey to Greece, the most horrendous of all journeys. It had all the details of a nightmare: barefoot walking in rough roads, risking death in the dark, police dogs hunting us, drinking water from the rain pools in the road and a rude awakening at gunpoint from the police under a bridge. My parents were terrified and decided that it would be better to pay someone to hide me in the back of a car. "
This 16-year-old Albanian high-school drop-out, desperate to leave his impoverished country for the nirvana of clearing tables in an Athens restaurant, might equally well have been a Mexican heading for Texas or an Algerian youngster sneaking into France. He had the misfortune to be born on the wrong side of a line that now divides the world: the line between those whose passports allow them to move and settle reasonably freely across the richer world’s borders, and those who can do so only hidden in the back of a truck, and with forged papers.
Tearing down that divide would be one of the fastest ways to boost global economic growth. The gap between labour’s rewards in the poor world and the rich, even for something as menial as clearing tables, dwarfs the gap between the prices of traded goods from different parts of the world. The potential gains from liberalizing migration therefore dwarf those from removing barriers to world trade. But those gains can be made only at great political cost. Countries rarely welcome strangers into their midst.
Everywhere, international migration has shot up the list of political concerns. The horror of September 11th has toughened America’s approach to immigrants, especially students from Muslim countries, and blocked the agreement being negotiated with Mexico. In Europe, the far right has flourished in elections in Austria, Denmark and the Netherlands.
Although many more immigrants arrive legally than hidden in trucks or boats, voters fret that governments have lost control of who enters their country. The result has been a string of measures to try to tighten and enforce immigration rules. But however much governments clamp down, both immigration and immigrants are here to stay. Powerful economic forces are at work. It is impossible to separate the globalisation of trade and capital from the global movement of people. Borders will leak; companies will want to be able to move staff; and liberal democracies will balk at introducing the draconian measures required to make controls truly watertight. If the European Union admits ten new members, it will eventually need to accept not just their goods but their workers too.
Technology also aids migration. The fall in transport costs has made it cheaper to risk a trip, and cheap international telephone calls allow Bulgarians in Spain to tip off their cousins back home that there are fruit-picking jobs available. The United States shares a long border with a developing country; Europe is a bus-ride from the former Soviet block and a boat-ride across the Mediterranean from the world’s poorest continent. The rich economies create millions of jobs that the underemployed young in the poor world willingly fill. So demand and supply will constantly conspire to undermine even the most determined restrictions on immigration.
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患者男性，50岁，记者。右眼翼状胬肉十余年，平时常觉眼部干涩、流泪，未进行特别处理，近期到本院就诊。眼部检查：右眼视力0.3，左眼视力0.5；右眼鼻侧球结膜肥厚、充血，隆起部已接近瞳孔缘，前房、晶状体及眼后节均未见异常。问题:该患者的最佳治疗方案是（ ）A、挑除胬肉B、手术切除+角膜缘干细胞移植术C、局部应用抗生素滴眼液D、不做任何处理E、配戴角膜接触镜F、行羊膜移植术问题:手术治疗前应向患者交代哪些可能出现的问题（ ）A、术中出血，术后出血感染B、术中切除不净，再行二次手术C、术后复发D、角膜斑翳形成E、角膜穿孔F、睑球粘连，眼球运动受限G、巩膜穿孔患者术后两年来院复查，裂隙灯显微镜下可见右眼内眦部结膜充血肥厚，翼状胬肉复发，而且有部分胬肉已经到达瞳孔边缘。患者自述近期右眼常干涩、流泪，有异物感。 问题:减少术后复发的有效辅助治疗措施是（ ）A、术后局部应用非甾体类抗炎药B、术后局部应用丝裂霉素C滴眼液C、术后1周局部应用激素类滴眼液D、术后应用抗生素类滴眼液E、术后应用β射线照射F、术后应用人工泪液问题:如果术后胬肉复发，应采取下列哪些治疗措施（ ）A、局部应用抗生素滴眼液B、使用药物保守治疗C、再次进行手术切除D、行结膜移植术E、行自体角膜缘上皮移植术F、行羊膜移植术G、切除较深的胬肉并行板层角膜移植术
A.3，左眼视力0.5；右眼鼻侧球结膜肥厚、充血，隆起部已接近瞳孔缘，前房、晶状体及眼后节均未见异常。问题:该患者的最佳治疗方案是（
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